Ancestors of Captain Arthur Fenner

Thomas Fenner

Lineage:
John | Thomas | John | Thomas | John | Thomas

Sources:
1. Julian S. Corbett, Papers Relating to the Navy During the Spanish War, 1585–1587 (1898), p. 103: Archive.org
2. Information from the work of Jen Blyth on Ancestry.com
3. Sidney Lee, ed., “Thomas Fenner,” Dictionary of National Biography, suppl. vol. 2 (NY: MacMillan, 1901), pp. 207–208: Archive.org
4. Julian S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, vol. 2, 2nd ed. (London: Longmans Green & Co., 1917): Archive.org
5. John Knox Laughton, State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), 2 vols.: Archive.org | Archive.org
6. State Papers Domestic 1547–1649: Tudor and Stuart Government Papers, National Archives: website; see also Robert Lemon, Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth I, 1580–1591, vol. 2 (1865): HathiTrust
7. Thomas Benolt, et al., The Visitations of the County of Sussex (London: 1905), p. 108: Archive.org
8. William Berry, County Genealogies: Pedigrees of the Families in the County of Sussex (London: Sherwood, Gilbert & Piper, 1830), p. 191: HathiTrust

FENNER, THOMAS, naval commander, came of a Sussex family which produced several well-known seamen in the sixteenth century, the most notable of whom, besides Thomas, were George Fenner and William Fenner (d. 1589), who was rear-admiral in Drake and Norris’s expedition to Coruña in 1589, and died on his way home of his wounds. Thomas and George were both apparently natives of Chichester, but the family was a numerous one, and it is hardly safe to assume that the naval commander was the Thomas Fenner, a victualler, who was on 28 Jan. 1579–80 committed to the Fleet prison for exporting ordnance to Spain, was released on 7 Feb. following, and on 10 Nov. 1584 was returned to parliament for New Shoreham (Acts P.C. 1578–80, pp. 332, 380, 383; Off. Ret. Members of Parl. i. 415). It is also probable that the exploits of Captain Fenner in the Azores in 1566, which Mr. Corbett ascribes in his Drake and the Tudor Navy to Thomas, really belong to George Fenner.

Thomas Fenner, however, who is described as “one of the most daring and experienced officers of the time” (Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, ii. 12, 13), accompanied Drake as his flag-captain on board the Elizabeth Bonaventure on the Indies voyage of 1585, and he and Frobisher led the boat attack on Cartagena which was successful. In 1587, probably as rear-admiral, he commanded the Dreadnought in Drake’s expedition to Cadiz, and in June was sent back to London with news of the burning of Philip’s fleet. In the year of the armada he was placed in command of the Nonpareil and appointed Drake’s vice-admiral and one of Howard’s inner council of war. He strongly approved of Drake’s design, early in July 1588, of taking advantage of the north wind and attacking the armada on the coast of Spain, and his memorandum embodying these views is still extant (State Papers, Dom. Eliz. ccxii. 10). The north wind failed, however, before the coast of Spain was reached, and on the way back Fenner was detached to cruise off the coast of Brittany and collect news of the armada. He rejoined Drake as the armada advanced, and fought with distinction in the action off the Isle of Wight and in the battle of Gravelines. For his conduct on the latter occasion Mendoza reported that Elizabeth had knighted him (Cal. Simancas MSS. 1587–1603, p. 392), but he does not occur in Metcalfe’s Book of Knights and is not so styled subsequently.

In 1589 Fenner was again commanding the Dreadnought, and as vice-admiral went with Drake and Norris’s expedition to Coruña, an account of which he gave in a letter to Burghley (State Papers, Dom. Eliz. ccxxiv. 13). He had returned to Plymouth Sound by 14 July, and from there he wrote to Walsingham saying that he proposed to employ the remainder of his fortune in a “journey” to the Indies.

—Sidney Lee (ed.), Dictionary of National Biography, Suppl. Vol. 2 (1901)

It was not till the first week in March [1587] that reports began to spread that he [Drake] was going to sea again, as it became known that he was down at Plymouth busy with the manning and victualling of a squadron that had been placed under his orders. It consisted of four ships and two pinnaces of the Queen’s, the Lord Admiral’s galleon the White Lion, and his pinnace the Cygnet, four fine vessels of the Levant Company and some other Londoners whose trade was practically stopped by the unsettled state of affairs. Drake had further commission to take up any ships he might meet at sea and add them to his squadron, and thus by the end of the month he had ready at Plymouth a squadron of twenty-three sail. For his flagship the Elizabeth Bonaventure was again assigned. For Vice-Admiral was attached to him, in the Golden Lion, William Borough, Clerk of the Ships, who next to Drake and Hawkyns was the great English authority on all naval matters and a regular Queen’s officer of the old school. Though Drake’s old friend and flag-captain, Thomas Fenner, was with him in command of the Dreadnought of his Majesty’s, the third flag-ship seems to have been the Merchant Royal, admiral of the London squadron, whose commander was Captain Robert Flick, a favourite London officer. The fourth navy ship was the new Rainbow, the very latest experiment of English naval architecture, having been launched only a few months and built on the lines of a galleasse. She was commanded by Captain Henry Bellingham, an officer who was thought worthy of a squadron in the following year. To these were attached the two Queen’s pinnaces the Spy and the Makeshift.

—Julian S. Corbett, Papers Relating to the Navy During the Spanish War, 1585–1587 (1898), pp. xviii–xix.

Letter from Thomas Fenner to Francis Walsingham, 1 Apr. 1587

Right Honourable, May it please you to be advertised we arrived with her Majesty’s ships and pinnaces at Plymouth the 25th of March with the Lion of my Lord Admiral and four of the merchant ships in company; the rest of the fleet seized Dartmouth, but now all in the Sound of Plymouth; and this first of April the Admiral and most of the fleet under sail to draw the companies aboard.

Here is prepared by the General four ships well victualled, furnished, and manned, and good store of victual in two of them over and above their provision. There hath been some proportions of victuals refreshed by the General unto her Majesty’s ships, and great store aboard the Admiral in respect [that she is] near 100 men more than her complement.

There is entertained by the General a ship of Plymouth of 140 tons, and a bark of 40 tons, and victual preparing to be laid aboard them within seven days, and to come after the fleet for the better maintenance of the army to tarry out the season of the year, [that we may be] the better enabled to do our gracious mistress such service as may be to the honour of God, the safety and contentment of her Majesty and realm, and a satisfaction of your honourable expectation.

The General with all care doth hasten the service, and sticketh not at any charge to further the same. So, good sir, there shall not want a dutiful mind in me to discharge the trust committed to my charge, and to show myself as to deserve your good opinion, which I greatly desire.

The General spareth not in great charge to divers men of valour, as also layeth out great sums of money to soldiers and mariners to stir up their minds and satisfy their wants in good sort.

There is good order and care taken for preservation of victual, and men very well satisfied therewith, the General encouraging them. God blessing the service with happiness, they shall be liberally rewarded.

Thus beseeching the Almighty to bless your honour with great happiness, for which I will daily pray, as one deeply bounden thereunto in all humility, I take my leave. From aboard her Majesty’s ship the Dreadnought, this first of April 1587. Your honour’s to command.

In all dutifulness, Thomas Fenner

—Papers Relating to the Navy During the Spanish War, 1585–1587 (1898), pp. 97–99.

Letter from Thomas Fenner to Francis Walsingham, 17 May 1587

Since my last letters of the accidents at Cadiz some exploits, which hath happened in her Majesty’s service by our General and army, I think it my duty to lay them down as near as God will give me grace and favour in very truth.

The 2nd of May, some 15 leagues from Cape St. Vincent, a flyboat of Dunkirk of 150 tons [was taken], her lading being Spanish goods from Flanders, and as I guess of some good importance, I gather about ten thousand pounds and one other flyboat, laden with timber sold to the Spaniards, of 140 tons.

The 4th of May we drew into the Bay of Lagos, where in a sandy bay somewhat to the westward of the town of Lagos we landed about a thousand men very early upon the 5th of May, and so marched very near three miles unto the town as our march lay. There presented in sight of us divers troops of horsemen, whereat [we being] nothing amazed, but always bending upon their greatest troops, [they] with courtesy gave us passage, so as before we came unto the town they were above 400 horse, which seemed brave but bad masters. They suffered us to march before their fortresses with our whole bands within musket shot, where we exchanged some shot, and by view and surveying the place found it, as now they have made it, of great strength and very warlikely flanked: so that they had in view of us nine platforms and flankers furnished with nine ancients. Which considered we thought it more meet upon some pause, the place being surveyed honourably and treatably, to depart than rashly to attempt the hazard of our companies; carrying ourselves in that course of strength that we made no estimate of their forces, two of their horses slain and one of their horsemen; and so [we] spent in stands expecting their valours the most part of the day before we drew aboard and boarden in good sort without the loss of any one man.

The 5th of May we drew near unto Cape Sagres, where we landed and marched towards a castle with some companies, some of our shipping landing at a village some leagues to the eastward, where the houses and village were presently fired with some barks and boats. They of that castle made no long abode, leaving in it six pieces of brass, but fled unto another castle within one mile standing upon Cape Sagres, a place of great strength [having] but one way to come to it, with greater scope of ground within it and fair buildings—I guess some hundred acres—environed with the sea and a marvellous high upright cliff on three parts, the front only to approach, which was about one hundred and eighty paces broad with wall battlemented of forty foot in height, a gate in the midst, a platform at the corners, and four flanks on every side of the gate. God stirred the minds of the General and his company to approach it; and [he] summoned [the governor] whose answer was as he was to assault on the behalf of his lady and mistress he was to defend in the behalf of his lord and master.

Whereupon the weightiness and honour of the cause considered, in that it was meet and most necessary for us to win the place for divers causes, both to give succour unto ourselves in watering and road for our fleet, and withal a great “pray” against the enemy, [we] resolutely resolved the attempt after some provisions of faggots to burn the gate, having no other means to attain the entry by reason of the great strength. And so [we] began about one of the clock to assail with small shot, so scouring the loops and flanks that the gate was approached, and the assault so maintained that the gate was set on fire and relieved continually; so as within some two hours their captain was hurt in two places, and grew to parley with offer to deliver up the place, their lives and baggage saved, which was granted and perfectly performed. A place of such natural and ingenious strength as [is] a very miraculous matter. But God, who is the giver of all good things, giveth strength unto His and striketh with fear those whom He meaneth to chastise.

There was in the castle near about some hundred and ten men besides women and children, one cannon-perier, one culverin, one demi-culverin, five great Portugal bases with powder and shot.

The sixth day the General marched to another castle of good strength with some bases in it, and took it, and so the Friary and Castle of Cape St. Vincent, and took the same, wherein were seven pieces of brass, and of great strength, having no way to come unto it but one; which two castles he defaced, fired, and brought away their ordnance, and burnt between Cape St. Vincent and five miles to the eastward of Cape Sagres, which I suppose to be nine English miles in length, forty-seven carvells and barks, some of 20, 30, 40, 50, and some of 60 tons, laden with pipe-boards, hoops, twigs, oars, and such like. We burned also some 50 or 60 fisherboats and great store of nets, to their great damage. This being performed at the Friary, we came again some hours before night unto the brave castle of Cape Sagres, where were left three captains to their companies until our return, when, according to promise, our General suffered the enemy to depart with their baggage, and then prepared for fire and fired the same, dismounted their ordnance and threw them over the cliffs, which were not left there, but with great pain and trouble boarded into our boats and brought away. And the same night boarded our companies.

The seventh day in the morning very early we landed at the first castle, which we razed and burned and brought away the ordnance. And notwithstanding this continual service, in the meantime we watered all our fleet and boarded all our ordnance, and then by one of the clock the whole fleet set sail to prosecute further action.

These four castles at the Capes defaced is a matter of great importance, respecting all shipping that come out of the Straits for Lisbon or any part of the northward anchor there until convenient wind serve them. And so any that come from the north likewise anchor there, being bound for Andalucia or the Straits. Thus desiring God to bless our General and us in her Majesty's service to continue in all duly and love to do what becometh the vassals of so worthy a prince, whom God preserve to the amaze of her Majesty’s great and mighty enemies, and by this handful to increase that fear which hereby we find them greatly touched withal, in all duty until further occasion I commit your Lordship unto the Almighty.

From aboard her Majesty’s good ship the Dreadnought fore Cape Sagres, the 17th of May [1587].

Thomas Fenner

—Papers Relating to the Navy During the Spanish War, 1585–1587 (1898), pp. 134–140.

Letter from Thomas Fenner to Francis Walsingham, 3 Mar. 1588

Captain Coxe came from the coast of Spain within five days before the date hereof, in a pinnace of Sir William Wynter’s. [He reporteth] the like number of ships, or little different; as also of a great number of flyboats that keepeth the coast of Spain, thereby their provisions coming in fleets together to Lisbon in safety. Their intents are known unto your Honour. I would to God we had been now upon that coast; the impediments would have been great unto their army gathering together, more than I dare presume to write, in my poor opinion. We rest here, a great number of valiant men, and to great charge unto my gracious mistress, and a great grief of mind to spend her Majesty’s treasure and do nothing upon the enemy.

I fear when we shall be hastened to go, our provision of victual needful will not be ready in a month; in which time it will be no small matter, the waste in doing of nothing. If there were three months’ provision ready for the proportion of 3,000 men, it would not amount unto above 9,000l. ; and if there should need no use of it, there would not be 1,000l lost by it; and the contrary, the time of stay before it be ready, if cause move the proceedings, will cost half so much money and more in victuals and wages before victual can be provided, as also the opportunity of time to encounter the enemy lost.

I had rather have occasion to be at service, that your Honour might hear of some happy success in beating down the pride of the enemy, wherein we are assuredly strengthened in God of good and happy success. God grant it to his good pleasure, and send your Honour your heart’s desire; craving pardon of your Honour for my boldness herein, not doubting your taking in good part the rude lines that cometh from a soldier. Plymouth, from aboard her Majesty’s good ship the Nonpareil, this 3rd of March, 1587.

Your Honour’s in all duty,

Thomas Fenner

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 1, pp. 37–42.

Letter from Thomas Fenner to Francis Walsingham, 23 Mar. 1588

Right Honourable —I have sent you the names noted on the other side of such captains as are here and have had places heretofore; as also lieutenants and ancients. And as there are of them that are now, if the service go forward, to proceed as captains, their experience and deserts deserving the same, so there are a great number of serviceable gentlemen and soldiers that are to step up into place; which is left undone, until perfect directions from your Honour of the proceedings be known; which I pray God be not pretermitted, but to take the opportunity of time. And thus, as one in all duties wishing most happily unto your Honour, I commit your Honour unto the Almighty. From aboard her Majesty’s good ship the Nonpareil, Plymouth, this 23rd of March, 1587.

Your Honour’s always to command,

Thomas Fenner

Captains in her Majesty’s ships:

Sir Francis Drake, Knight, General in the Revenge
Thomas Fenner, Vice-Admiral in the Nonpareil
Robert Crosse, Rear-Admiral in the Hope
Edward Fenner Rear-Admiral in the Swiftsure
William Fenner Rear-Admiral in the Aid

. . .

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 1, pp. 117–118.

Letter from Thomas Fenner to Francis Drake, 12 May 1588

Sir—There arrived this 12th May in the morning Captain Polwhele and the rest of the ships in company, all saving the caravel. He was at Cape Finisterre and encountered with certain French ships, the ladings of many of them supposed to be Spaniards’ goods; as also one flyboat; which ships came from several places out of the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal. So as therefore he thought meet to return with them, for the better advertisement of the estate of the King’s forts and fleet, and of their readiness, as by the examinations of divers of the masters and merchants by this bearer sent unto you at large appeareth. And in that they generally, coming out of many several places, confirm in effect all one matter, we thought it very meet to despatch away a messenger with all haste, and therefore have taken their examinations briefly for the speedier despatch.

Most of them marvelleth that the fleet is not upon this coast. There are six French ships and one flyboat brought in by Captain Polwhele; he hath great care to keep everything in good order, without spoil. Presently after this messenger’s despatch we mean to take special order for the safety of everything, and to take as due examination of the parties unto whom the goods doth appertain as our knowledge can bring to pass.

Here are arrived all the ships from Bristol and all the west parts with Sir Richard Greynvile and Mr. St. Leger, for which two we pray your consideration in moneys they demand for victual. We take order upon this news that the fleet shall be maintained until Saturday next with petty warrants, so as the two months’ store shall be kept whole.

We have observed the order of your letter sent by my cousin William Fenner, and we despatch of the worst men with as much speed as we may, not withstanding there will be above the numbers. All the ships here are wonderfully well manned with mariners.

We will take a special care as may be to our charge in your absence; foreseeing, as much as may lie in us, that all be kept in good order and with as much readiness as the place will yield. We ride in a hole where we cannot get out if the enemy should come. Divers of the best ships shall remove out of that place with as much speed as we may under the island, to be the readier for their coming, or to follow them as occasion shall move. The mariners shall be kept aboard, and the soldiers in as great readiness as may be. We will order some powder and weapons aboard such ships as have not already.

Captain Polwhele had performed this message himself, but that we thought it meet, such his great care in good order for the safety of the goods as will be to your good liking, and therefore to continue the same, that no fault may be found in him.

We do most humbly commend ourselves unto you, wishing honour and happiness in all your actions. All in generality do greatly desire your return; and in great love, many of the captains and gentlemen commend them to your good favour. And so we commit you to the Lord of Lords, who preserve and keep you in his favour for ever. Plymouth, this 12th of May, 1588, at 7 of the clock in the evening.

Your faithful and loving friends, to be commanded by you for ever,

Thomas Fenner & Robert Crosse

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 1, pp. 171–173.

Letter from Charles Howard to Francis Walsingham, 15 June 1588

Sir, for the meaning we had to go on the coast of Spain, it was deeply debated by those which I think [the] world doth judge to be men of greatest experience that this realm hath; which are these: Sir Francis Drake, Mr. Hawkyns, Mr. Frobiser, and Mr. Thomas Fenner; and I hope her Majesty will not think that we went so rashly to work, or without a principal and choice care and respect of the safety of this realm. . . .

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 1, pp. 202–203.

Letter from Thomas Fenner to Francis Walsingham, 17 July 1588

My letter of the 12th of July with the advertisements therein enclosed, I hope are come unto your Honour’s hand, by Sir Edward Hoby. I was commanded at the sea upon the sudden, to go for the coast of Brittany, moved thereby to send your Honour letters and advertisement by a pinnace to Plymouth, delivered as before, assureth my hope that your Honour have received the same. Since that time I intercepted three great flyboats which came from San Lucar the 7th of June. Their advertisements which I gathered, I send your Honour herein enclosed.

Understanding by them of seventeen hulks and flyboats more, coming after within some three or four days by their supposition; as also I gathered, by very politic means and liberality, a great secret in one of those ships; which the name of the ship being a Hollander, which had my Lord of Leicester his pass, which ship is sold unto Spaniards in San Lucar, and now bound for Dunkirk, laden with wools, and secretly in her, two tons of silver. If the wind and spring serve him not to put in with Dunkirk, he makes no care to put for England or Flushing, in that he hath pass, and is a Hollander.

The Sweden captain which your Honour wrote unto Sir Francis Drake to let pass is one of the company of that fleet. The ship’s name that hath the silver is called the Golden Rose of Enkhuysen. A rose painted in her stern and in her head.

I write your Honour thus largely in that, if it please, you may advertise with speed Sir William Russell to have regard to these points. As also advertise (as your Honour think meetest) her Majesty’s ships in the Narrow Seas. There is a very great Hollander also in company, laden with Spanish goods. By conference with divers other of the three flyboats, I understood the said ship to be one of the company; but sifted not the secret; yet found by them that she was sold to the Spaniards.

I am appointed as this day to put over, if wind serve, with the Galleon Leicester in company, for the coast of France, to check with this fleet. God send me the happiness to do some effectual service for my gracious mistress and country. There never happened the like opportunity to beat down the Spanish pride, if it be effectually followed. If not, I would to the Lord I had not been one of the company, for our reputations thereby is overthrown. I would I were one of the thirty sail to put it in execution. This, I betake your Honour to the Almighty, most humbly craving pardon for tedious writing. From aboard the Nonpareil, this 17th of July, 1588.

Your Honour’s in all duty to command,

Thomas Fenner

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 1, pp. 279–281.

Letter from Thomas Fenner to Francis Walsingham, 4 Aug. 1588

Right Honourable—I assure myself you are ascertained of our encounters with the enemy on Monday, the 29th of July, in long continuance and great force of shot on both sides; many of their ships wonderfully spoiled and beaten, to the utter ruin of three of the greatest sort, beside the cutting off the galleass, the enemy thereby greatly weakened.

A thing greatly to be regarded, that the Almighty hath stricken them with a wonderful fear; in that I hardly have seen any of their companies succoured of their extremities which befell them after their fights, but left at utter ruin, without regard, 1 bearing always as much sail as possible they might, holding the rest of their army together. The want of powder, and shot, and victual hath hindered much service which otherwise might have been performed in continuance with them, to their utter subversion in keeping them from water. There were many ships in our fleet not possessed with three days’ victuals.

The causes aforesaid considered in council, the second of this instant [month] in the morning, pursuing the enemy until we came into 55 degrees and about two and thirty leagues from our coast in that height: it was thought meet for the safety of men’s lives and shipping, the wind being southerly, to shape our course for the Frith in Scotland, to relieve our wants with water and such other things as the benefit of that place would yield, thereby to attain that place for the better regard both of England and Scotland.

It was intended, at our coming thither, that my Lord of Cumberland should have passed unto the King of Scots, to acquaint his Majesty of the accidents that had happened; as also to stir his Majesty to provide some defensive power, if the enemy should draw unto his coasts; wherein her Majesty’s power should assist with all their force.

Two pinnaces were left to follow the fleet afar off, until they were shot beyond the Isles of Orkneys and Shetland, unto which place they continued their courses. And if, by any change of wind, they shaped their course otherwise, then, if wind would permit, the pinnaces [were] to advertise us at the Firth; and not finding us there, to come alongst our own coast with the advertisement.

The 2nd of August, about 12 of the clock at noon, we hauled west, the better to recover our coast to attain the Frith, the enemy going away North-West and by North, as they did before.

Being hauled in fifteen leagues west, the 3rd of August in the morning, about ten of the clock, the wind came up at North-West. Counsel therefore taken—it was thought meet to take the benefit thereof for our reliefs of powder, shot, and victual, and so as to bear with all possible speed to the North Foreland; and as if the enemy should return, we might be beforehand furnished of some of our wants, the readier thereby to offend them.

I will deliver your Honour mine opinion, wherein I beseech your pardon if it fall out otherwise. I verily believe great extremity shall force them if they behold England in sight again. By all that I can gather, they are weakened of eight of their best sorts of shipping, which contained many men; as also many wasted in sickness and slaughter, their masts and sails much spoiled; their pinnaces and boats, many cast off and wasted; wherein they shall find great wants when they come to land and water, which they must do shortly or die; and where or how, my knowledge cannot imagine. As the wind serveth, no place but between the Foreland and Hull. Considering the shallows and sands not greatly to be doubted, the hugeness and great draught of water in their ships considered, and otherwise the wind as it is at North-West, they have no place to go withal, but for the Scaw in Denmark, which were an hard adventure as the season of the year approacheth. If the wind by change suffer them, I verily believe they will pass about Scotland and Ireland to draw themselves home; wherein, the season of the year considered, with the long course they have to run and their sundry distresses, and—of necessity—the spending of time by watering, winter will so come on as it will be to their great ruin.

God hath mightily protected her Majesty’s forces with the least losses that ever hath been heard of, being within the compass of so great volleys of shot, both small and great. I verily believe there is not three score men lost of her Majesty’s forces. God make us and all her Majesty’s good subjects to render hearty praise and thanks unto the Lord of Lords therefor.

I will ever hold myself bound for your honourable and godly points in your letter of the 25th of July, so as to depend upon the good providence of God, unto whom I will, both in season and out of season, call upon him, with a faithful assurance that he will defend his from the raging enemy who goeth about to beat down his word and devour his people. My trust is their imaginations shall fall upon themselves, as a just plague for their wickedness and idolatry. God continue me such as your expectation in me and other of my name be not deceived; and that we may continue as faithful servants and subjects to her Majesty; not regarding the peril of life, to slack any one jot in that is meet for men to do in this her Majesty’s needful service. God mightily defend my gracious mistress from the raging enemy; not doubting but that all the world shall know and see that her Majesty’s little army, guided by the finger of God, shall beat down the pride of his enemies and hers, to his great glory; unto whom I betake your Honour. From aboard the good ship of her Majesty the Nonpareil, this 4th of August, 1588.

Your Honour’s in all love and duty for ever to command,

Thomas Fenner

Within two hours after the writing of this letter the wind came up at South-West, so as thereby the enemy was able neither to seize England, Ireland, Scotland, Flanders, and hardly the out isles of Scotland. This 4th day and 5th, especially at night, continued very great storm at South-West, [we] being forced to ride out in the sea the extremity thereof. Which storm hath, in mine opinion, touched the enemy very near; for divers considerations following, viz. : the great sea-gate about those isles; the hugeness of their shipping, who were so light as in fair weather would hardly bear their topsails; also the cold climate they are in toucheth them near, and will do daily more and more. Mine opinion is they are by this time so distressed, being so far thrust off, as many of them will never see Spain again; which is the only work of God, to chastise their malicious practices, and to make them know that neither the strengths of men, nor their idolatrous gods can prevail, when the mighty God of Israel stretcheth out but his finger against them. God make all her Majesty’s good subjects thankful.

Thomas Fenner

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 2, pp. 37–42.

Letter from Lord Charles Howard to the Council of War, 22 Aug. 1588

May it please your Lordships—Upon my coming back to Dover the 21st of August, about three of the clock in the afternoon, I presently sent for the Lord Henry Seymour, Sir William Wynter, Sir Francis Drake, Sir John Hawkyns, Sir Henry Palmer and Mr. Thomas Fenner, to come unto me, to confer with them for the present consideration of her Majesty’s service; who declared unto me the state of the fleet, which with sorrow and grief I must deliver unto your Lordships. As I left some of the ships infected at my coming up, so I do find, by their reports that have looked deeply into it, that the most part of the fleet is grievously infected, and [men] die daily, falling sick in the ships by numbers; and that the ships of themselves be so infectious, and so corrupted, as it is thought to be a very plague; and we find that the fresh men that we draw into our ships are infected one day and die the next, so as many of the ships have hardly men enough to weigh their anchors; for my Lord Thomas Howard, my Lord Sheffield, and some five or six other ships, being at Margate, and the wind ill for that road, are so weakly manned by the reason of this sickness and mortality, as they were not able to weigh their anchors to come whereas we are. . . .

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 2, pp. 139–140.

Rainbow: Built by Peter Pett, at Deptford, in 1586 (cf. vol. i. p. xlvi). She, as well as the Vanguard (No. 6), is described by Monson (p. 321) as ‘low and snug in the water,’ ‘like a galleass,’ though the San Lorenzo is spoken of (vol. i. p. 348) as high out of the water. Henry Bellingham was her captain in Drake’s expedition to Cadiz in 1587; Sir George Beeston commanded her in 1590, in the expedition to the coast of Portugal. In 1594 she was at Brest, with Frobiser, under the command of Thomas Fenner; in 1596 was at Cadiz, commanded by Sir Francis Vere; and in 1597 was in the Islands voyage, commanded by Sir William Monson. Was partly rebuilt in 1602; and rebuilt as a larger ship in 1618.

Dreadnought: Built at Deptford in 1573—Constantly employed through the war. Cadiz in 1587, Thomas Fenner; Portugal, 1589, Thomas Fenner; Brest, 1594, and Cadiz, 1596, Alexander Clifford; Islands, 1597, Sir William Brooke; on the coast of Portugal with Leveson and Monson, 1602, Captain Manwayring (Sir Henry Manwayring, author of the Seaman’s Dictionary). Rebuilt in 1613. Sold about 1644.

—State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (1894), vol. 2, pp. 333–335.